Underlying Motivations

The presence of hate groups at these protests is not unexpected. Historically, extremist factions have frequently taken the lead in white protests against alleged assaults on their liberties. Just as the KKK once involved itself in demonstrations that were not explicitly about white supremacy, today’s groups capitalize on shared grievances among broader white communities (e.g., opposition to integration or interracial marriage).

These groups seek to recruit new members among vulnerable young white men who may feel socially or racially anxious. Through seemingly benign language focused on family and patriotism, they gradually introduce more extreme rhetoric encompassing misogyny, racism, xenophobia, and white nationalism.

Organizations like the Proud Boys have dramatically expanded their ranks over recent years. Many heavily armed racist militias are also present at these rallies, despite differing ideologies. By emphasizing their shared interests, these factions can forge connections that enhance their collective influence.

When considering the motivations of the various groups attending these protests, it’s essential to delve deeper than mere recruitment figures. Whether they are racist militias, religious extremists, or elements of the far-right, their commonality lies in a foundation of hate.

From xenophobia to anti-Semitism, their unified vision promotes a society where white individuals, particularly white men, retain supremacy over everyone else. This reality is unfolding in cities across America.

It is noteworthy that these protests gained traction as awareness grew regarding the disproportionate impact of the virus on minority populations.

It’s worth remembering that these individuals largely subscribe to the notion of “white genocide.” They wouldn’t be out protesting if they genuinely felt threatened by the virus. While many acknowledge the virus's existence, there is a clear distinction between their beliefs and reality.

> “Time to get our freedom back.” — Laura Ingraham

They appear convinced that they can withstand the virus better than others, often stating that “the weak should die to protect the economy.” It is crucial to recognize that “the weak” refers to marginalized communities—Indigenous peoples, Latinos, and Black individuals—those most adversely affected by the pandemic. Many of these protesters anticipate contracting the virus but remain unconcerned, believing their whiteness affords them immunity.

Additionally, they enjoy better access to healthcare.

Their perception of racial superiority is a significant factor motivating these anti-lockdown protests, as they seemingly hope for increased suffering among minorities. They view this moment as an opportunity to “cull the herd” of non-white individuals.

However, the virus does not discriminate; it will reach them too.

The Participants

The individuals involved in these protests are often recognizable: typically overweight men clad in excessive gear, wielding firearms they likely wouldn’t be able to handle in a real conflict. Observing their bravado often elicits laughter, as it’s clear that, individually, many are cowardly. Yet, collectively, their rhetoric and actions pose genuine threats to marginalized communities. We have witnessed numerous instances of so-called lone wolves—members of hate groups—committing violent acts against minorities.

This troubling trend has surged since Trump took office.

While the current atmosphere may seem calm, the rallies and their supporters are igniting dangerous sentiments. The dog-whistles from the President, aimed at militias and hate groups, serve to activate those eager to “rise up.” Trump’s veiled language, along with his supporters at Fox News and Breitbart, fuels ideas that will inevitably lead to loss of life.

The vocal minority at the forefront of these anti-lockdown protests aligns closely with the archetypal American bigot and reflects the demographic composition of their group.

Despite their claims of civil liberties violations, they fail to specify which rights they believe have been infringed. They are aware that COVID-19 disproportionately affects marginalized communities, prompting their desire to reopen the economy since they perceive themselves as being at a significantly lower risk of mortality than non-white Americans. To them, COVID-19 resembles just another flu—one that predominantly claims the lives of minorities.

> “Many are willing to take the risk of contracting the virus.” — Laura Ingraham

These hate groups comprise a diverse array of individuals, from law enforcement and judges affiliated with the Proud Boys to politicians who regularly engage in hate speech. The beliefs underpinning these groups are far from fringe; they are brazen and unrepentant, often facing no repercussions from the legal system despite their continuous threats against the state and marginalized communities.

If people of color were to behave similarly, they would face severe repercussions, both rhetorically and legally. Conversely, white individuals are often welcomed with open arms as guardians of white supremacy, even entering government buildings armed.

The Financial Backers

In addition to the Michigan Freedom Fund co-hosting “Operation Gridlock”—an organization linked to the DeVos family—numerous wealthy individuals contribute significant financial resources to hate groups. This influx of capital perpetuates the growth of these organizations within American society.

Although many old-school Klansmen have passed away, a new generation of suit-clad, polished white supremacists has taken the reins. Pay attention to their demeanor and discourse; they are slick in their presentation, akin to a car salesman weaving tales about how many bodies can fit in a trunk. While imperfect, it proves effective.

The older generation of influencers and financiers may have faded, but their successors possess more resources, sophistication, and tools than ever before. The proliferation of hate groups is a clear consequence of this shift. Below is a list of prominent figures behind the rise of hate and the financial support for contemporary hate groups.

Gavin McInnes, co-founder of Vice Media, established the Proud Boys. Despite being ousted from Vice for his extremist views, his wealth and “hipster” appeal have enabled him to promote these ideologies and recruit members into his sexist and racist club. His views resonate with individuals like Richard Spencer and other leading neo-Nazis.

McInnes has claimed he is no longer associated with the group—a statement that many doubt.

Robert Mercer has heavily funded Breitbart, a platform synonymous with the alt-right according to Steve Bannon. He and his daughter, Rebekah, have used the outlet to advocate for their own interests alongside those of bigoted writers like Milo Yiannopoulos. Mercer also financially backed Yiannopoulos’ failed media project “MILO” after his controversial comments regarding pedophilia led to his exit from Breitbart.

Mercer’s own racial views have been called into question. David Magerman, a former employee at Renaissance Technologies, filed a lawsuit asserting that Mercer harbors bigoted opinions and has historically excluded Black individuals from high-paying roles.

Sheldon Adelson, the Las Vegas casino tycoon and major financial supporter of Donald Trump, regularly donates millions to anti-Muslim organizations via private funds and foundations. His ideological alignment with far-right evangelical groups connects him to extensive networks that promote anti-Muslim sentiment in both politics and society.

Nina Rosenwald, an heiress to the Sears fortune, has funneled $3.2 million from her tax-exempt Abstraction Fund to anti-Muslim entities. She also allocated $1.9 million to the conspiracy-driven Gatestone Institute, which she founded and where former National Security Adviser John Bolton once served as chairman. The Gatestone Institute is widely recognized for disseminating fabricated news.

Jay Sekulow, Trump’s personal attorney and founder of Christian Advocates Serving Evangelism (CASE), has contributed $32 million to the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), an organization he co-founded alongside televangelist Pat Robertson. The ACLJ propagates anti-Muslim narratives and provided legal support for Trump’s 2017 travel ban targeting Muslim nations.

Beyond the individuals highlighted here, numerous documented instances exist of non-profit organizations engaging in “dark money” transactions with hate groups. Many donations navigate through these entities unnoticed, often processed via anonymous donor networks known as Donor Advised Funds (DAF).

A significant number of hate groups also receive funding through DAFs from companies like Fidelity, Schwab, Vanguard, and Donors Trust, utilizing anonymous charitable gift funds.

Conclusion

Do not be misled into thinking that the anti-lockdown demonstrations are purely about the civil liberties of discontented white individuals. These rallies signify far more than that. While participants may shout about “tyranny,” it is painfully evident that the underlying motivation is rooted in the suffering of minorities, which they wish to amplify. However, this dynamic may be shifting.

Moreover, the financial backing from billionaires like the Mercer and DeVos families mirrors the Tea Party movement. Similar to today’s white nationalist factions, the Tea Party was bolstered by substantial financial support from the same entities previously mentioned, including Koch Industries’ Americans for Prosperity.

Finally, do not allow comparisons to historical protests that led to meaningful progress for our nation. Equating these poorly organized, armed gatherings to icons of civil rights like Rosa Parks, Colin Kaepernick, or movements such as Black Lives Matter is a prime example of false equivalence. Engaging in such comparisons is a waste of time.

American civil rights leaders did not whine as these privileged individuals do.

Arturo is an anti-racist political commentator who began his writing career after experiencing a stroke at 40. He is an emerging author, journalist, and social justice advocate, as well as a married father of three young men. He regularly contributes to Latino Rebels. For more information on the issues discussed, see the links below or follow him on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram.